Coauthored 《영어 독해》 Textbook by ChosunIlbo-LibertyBook-SeongmunPublisher
Purpose[편집]
In fact, 《영어 독해》 hath not been planned. But, Kim Daechung in 《Chosun-ilbo》 mailed to me. He said, "Every Human doth have to have the 『Myeolgong』 Ideologie, by Teaching American English. Therefore, Thou hast to plan to write an English Textbook. No 'U.S.S.R.', Yes 'U.S.A.'. No 'SOCIALISM', Yes 'CAPITALISM'. Dost thou understand? Gongsandang die die!" But, I'm not good at English. I felt doomed and fucked. (Fuck my works! Fuck Them All! Yeah!) So, I mailed to Seongmun Publisher, which's famous for English textbook. Song Seongmun, who's a captain of Seongmun Publisher, responded "Ya!"
Thus...
Come 'n' See the Violence inherent in this dumb-ass bloody Capitalism System! Help, help! I'm being repressed!
Proletariats of the World, Unite!
Hotto izu zatto? Zatto izu a Katto.
- Kim Daechung
Finally, My long-cherished Dream, Collapsing of Man-to-Man English, hath begun!
- Song Seongmun
How to read and understand a text[편집]
The Olympic Archery Competition was held. The First Competetor shot an arrow. Triple Ten! How Lucky! Every Audience shouted. The Competetor came and introduced himself.
"I am Robin Hood."
The Second Competetor also shot an arrow. He had a Hit too! Every Audience shouted louder. The Competetor came and introduced himself.
"I am Wilhelm Tell."
Finally, Mr. Kim Daechung... He shot his arrow into a Woman's Navel! Every Audience was astonished. And He came and spoke thus.
"I am Sorry."― Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism
Thank thou for using thy journal (Chosun-ilbo, 1997. Dec. 24.) and Fuck thou for repressing me.― From Existentialism to Kim Daechung in Chosun-ilbo
Firstly, How to translate "I cannot ride a bike"? If thou wert brainwashed by dumb-ass Ministry of Education, thou wouldst translate it like "나는 자전거를 탈 수 없어요." But , It's WRONG. Well, thus translated Kim Daechung, "모타사이클".
Don't Panic! Ye'll be used to this Method.
President-elect Kim Daejung, a bona fide* martyr* to the cause of democracy, has a natural following among Korean leftists, workers, students and other traditionally aggrieved consumers of populist rhetoric.
* bona fide: 선의의
* martyr: 순교자Wall Street Journal, 1997. Dec. 22.
Well... just a Sentence, Huh? In old English Grammar, Thou'dst translate it thus. 민주주의의 진정한 순교자인 대통령 당선자 김대중은 전통적으로 박해받았던 한국의 좌파, 노동자, 학생 등 대중주의자라는 수사법에 불만을 품은 자들에게서 자연스럽게 추종받고 있다
Then, How doth Kim Daechung summary and translate that? 김대중은 관종이다.
Well, How? Thou hast to notice to the word 'populist'. 'populist' and 'popular', don't these words sound alike? YES! When thou encountrest a Fucking hard word, thou canst change the word to easier one, like 'a popular man' or 'a man who wanteth to be popular' in this case. That Easy!
Quest. Translate "Concerns over Mr. Kim Daejung's economic policy, to be sure, may prove to be unfounded" to Korean. (From Wall Street Journal, 1997. Dec. 22.)
First, How dost thou translate "Concerns over Mr. Kims economic policy, to be sure, may prove to be unfounded" in old English Grammar? 김대중 씨의 경제 정책에 대한 우려는, 확실히 근거 없는 것으로 판명될 것이다.
BTW, doesn't the phrase 'Concerns over' seem uncomfortable? Mr. Kim Daechung sayeth, "If thou wert in uncomfort, Thou mightst kill the uncomfortable phrase. Even a Sentence too." Thus, the sentence has to be translated like 김대중 씨의 경제 정책은, 확실히 근거 없는 것으로 판명될 것이다.
Though always unpredictable, North Korea isn't likely to see the South's economic travails as an opportunity for provocation or to launch an attack.
Wall Street Journal, 1997. Dec. 12.
As the old English Grammar, Thou'dst translate it thus. 항상 예측할 수 없지만, 북한이 남한의 경제적 진통을 도발이나 공격 개시의 기회로 보지는 않을 듯하다.
'TiS vErY vErY wRoNg TrAnSlAtIoN.
Mr. Kim Daechung's Translation is more reasonable. 김대중은 예측할 수 없는 정치인이다.
Then, Where is the word 'Kim Daejung' and 'Politician' or 'Statesman' etc.? Mr. Kim Daechung says to me, When thou couldstn't find the Word thou wantst, Create it and Translate it.
He used only the Word 'unpredictable' in the Original Sentence. Seriously, I like his Translation Method (as much as Coffee).
President-elect Kim Daejung, a bona fide martyr to the cause of democracy, has a natural following among Korean leftists, workers, students and other traditionally aggrieved consumers of populist rhetoric. Yet his initial steps show that in recent years the former political prisoner has been out and about the real world.
The election Mr. Kim just won was about much more than righting old wrongs, especially given Koreas perilous economic state. During the campaign he suggested that he would seek to renegotiate the terms of a $57 million IMF bailout. He's also carrying some scary baggage in the shape of promises to boost the growth rate and avoid any layoffs during his first six months in office. Since his election, however, he's begun talking less like a populist and more like a statesman.
As president-elect, Mr. Kim now tells the world that his administration will implement "fully" the IMF agreement. He frankly told the Korean people that the pain they face is "Our fault. Korean companies borrowed too much for loans, and the government lied about its foreign reserves." He also pointed to a new direction with the announcement that Korea has hired the firms of Goldman Sachs and Salomon Smith Barney for economic advice, a potential counterweight to both xenophobia* among Koreans and miscues by IMF sages.
While the role of the private investment bankers is not fully defined, we do have some idea of what they will be telling Mr. Kim. Roy Ramos, who heads Asian banking research for Goldman, wrote last month with senior equity strategist Chunsoo Lim in the Asian Wall Street Journal. They suggested: "the government must stop intervening in bank credit decisions. Prudential norms must be strengthened. Loan losses must be fully recognized and provisioned against. While consumer depositors will of course have to be protected, fundamentally insolvent banks must be absorbed or, failing that allowed to fail. Remaining banks must recapitalize back to a healthy level offshore investors including foreign banks, must be allowed in."
In dealing with Koreas chaebol* conglomerates, Mr. Kim's status as an outsider should be an advantage. As Koreas economy has matured, the former engines of growth ― with their unlimited access to government-directed funds and hidden networks of cross-holdings ― have become its most obvious problem. Fred Hu, Goldmans executive director for Asia economic research, also noted that in 1996 Koreas top 49 chaebol had sales accounting for 97% of Koreas GDP, but profits of just $65 million. If you include the failed giant Hanbo, there was a net loss.
If the going gets tough, the Korean Federation of Industries can be expected to call on its strange bedfellows, the unions, to resist painful change. But the new president owes the former nothing, and with the latter his reputation as a friend of the working man may buy him room for maneuver.
On the political side, Mr. Kim took another major stride forward when he agreed to pardons for former presidents No Tae'u and Jeon Duhwan ― who managed Koreas transition to democracy, but were tried and convicted in 1995 on an assortment of charges. As generals they were involved in the 1979 military coup* and subsequent massacre in Gwangju; Mr. Kim was falsely charged with fomenting the uprising and sentenced to death, before the United States intervened to rescue him. By keeping an old promise to end the cycle of retribution with the release of the two generals, scheduled for today, Mr. Kim will have begun the long process of gaining the confidence of the 60% of Koreans who did not vote for him. That is especially important given his promise to shift Seouls approach to North Korea, bound to cause unease among many citizens whove been told for years that Mr. Kim is "soft" on Pyongyang.
Victory for the former dissident, like the recent first-time opposition win in Taiwans municipal elections, is a sign that Asians are beginning to feel confident enough to break the old mold. Its still possible the new president will allow himself to be distracted from tackling the main business of restructuring the South Korean economy. But his first steps give reason to hope that Kim Daejung will prove the right man for the times.
The battle to contain South Koreas economic crisis may well hinge on a quiet struggle to sway the thinking of President-elect Kim Daejung, pitting his longtime activist allies against business-minded politicians and technocrats also in his camp.
Mr. Kim has moved swiftly to embrace crucial economic reforms since his election Thursday, warning that revitalizing this countries beleaguered economy will involve unprecedented pain. But investors remain dubious that the populist Mr. Kim, who repeatedly risked his life in the decades-long struggle to bring democracy to authoritarian Korea but has little experience in economic affairs, can craft a credible agenda for steering the nation out of its financial crisis.
Koreas currency and stock markets continue to be roiled by worries over the economy and political uncertainty. The currency, the won, opened today sharply lower at 1,660 won per dollar, down 6.6% from Fridays close of 1,550. On Friday, the won briefly fell more than 10% against the dollar before finishing 4.5% lower than the previous trading day. But stocks opened 2.2% higher today on hopes that key reform laws will soon be passed; stocks dropped 5.1% Friday and rose just 0.8% Saturday.
Mr. Kim immediately began trying to forge a national consensus last week. He promised his administration would hew to the terms of a $57 billion International Monetary Fund-led rescue, and pledged to push through the national assembly a set of laws that would enable Seoul to do so. The countrys three major political parties agreed Saturday to pass 13 reform bills, including one that will give the central bank greater control over monetary policy but will strip it of its regulatory role over banks and give that to a finance-ministry supervisory unit. Such reforms, sought by the IMF, had been stalled in November in part by street protests by central-bank workers angered by possible job losses.
Mr. Kim also sent a signal of reconciliation Saturday by endorsing the pardon of two former presidents, Jeon Duhwan and No Tae'u, who were jailed last year in part for accepting bribes and kickbacks. Both were leading figures in a regime that imprisoned, tortured and tried to kill Mr. Kim. The pardon may help rally conservative support for Mr. Kim at a time when he needs backing to implement the IMF austerity program.
Concerns over Mr. Kims economic policy, to be sure, may prove to be unfounded. He is under enormous pressure to please investors and the IMF because of the chaos in the financial markets and the continuing bankruptcies of major Korean companies. "Kim Daejung has adjusted to economic reality very quickly," says Daryl Plunk, a fellow at the Washington-based Heritage Foundation. "There is no Rasputin in the camp promoting a radical course; in the end, its making up his own mind."
Investors arent yet persuaded. When he was leading Koreas democracy movement, Mr. Kim was suspected by the countrys strongly conservative elite of having leftist sympathies, concerns many here still believe Mr. Kim hasnt fully dispelled. His inner circle-populist legislators and left-leaning academics, many of whom have been with him for his entire career ― includes people who know little about how economies work or have scant enthusiasm for free-market reform.
One of them, a Ph.D. ― holding legislator, recently lectured a visiting reporter that U.S. ― style capitalism wasnt appropriate to Korea. "Not everything about the Soviet economic model was entirely bad," he said.
As a candidate, Mr. Kim sent mixed signals about whether he was committed to critical economic reforms, such as taming the countrys unruly labor unions. It wasnt until late in the campaign that Mr. Kim endorsed the terms of the IMF package, and even then he supported such market-distorting measures as wage and price controls. Some in Korea fear that Mr. Kims election, the first transfer of power from the ruling party to the opposition, will unleash pent-up resentment from his economically backward home province that Mr. Kim either cannot or will not resist.
Members of Seouls ruling and business leaders also fear they will be targeted for abuse by Kim allies from the presidentelects home base, the long-neglected Jeolla-do. Such anxieties were reflected in stock trading Friday: Share prices among affiliates of the Samsung Group, Koreas most powerful conglomerate and the owner of an anti-Kim newspaper, opened at their lowest permissible level. Shares in companies of the Kumho Group, a Jeolla-based conglomerate, opened at their maximum daily highs.
Newspaper editorials have already condemned Seouls elite for enriching themselves in the economic boom that collapsed last month. At a Chinese restaurant in a five-star hotel in Seoul's fashionable Gangnam-gu, three young and prominent businessmen last week were wondering where they could hide their foreign sports cars and whether they should cancel their overseas holiday plans, lest they risk an audit from tax authorities.
"Even if Mr. Kim himself is not vengeful," said one businessman, the chairman of a large conglomerate, "were afraid his people will think its payback time."
But Koreas immense economic problems are certain to seize Mr. Kims full attention immediately. Korea remains dangerously short of foreign reserves to help support its financial system, despite the first installment from the IMF package and a $1.3 billion bridge loan made available last week by the Bank of Japan. Koreas usable foreign reserves were down to $6 billion early this month at a time when the countrys foreign short-term debt is estimated at $100 billion, including the debt held by overseas branches and subsidiaries of financial institutions.
Fears of a default have prompted foreign lenders to cut off local banks. Korea First Bank, in which the government is planning to take a 59% stake to shore up its capital base, is one example. Its credit lines from foreign banks have dwindled to $1.2 billion, compared with $7.3 billion at the end of last year.
A cash and credit crunch, meanwhile, continues to claim local companies. On Saturday, the stock exchange said Hyosung Motors & Machinery Co., Dongsung Construction Co. and Seokwang Construction Co. went bankrupt after they failed to pay debts for two straight days.
In an interview Friday, Jo Sungjong, deputy director of the international department at the Bank of Korea, the central bank, said the government is still depositing dollars in the overseas branches of Korean commercial banks to help them meet short-term debt payments. The government also said it will guarantee new overseas loans borrowed by domestic banks totaling $20 billion. "We are supporting [the foreign branches] to avoid a default," said Mr. Jo. "But we cant support them for a long time."
Economists say that the Korean government has in the last week set in motion several important reforms, such as allowing the won to float freely against the dollar and widening the ban that restrict interest rates on short-term deposits.
The government also retained Goldman, Sachs & Co. and Salomon Smith Barney Holdings Inc. to advise it on raising money in the international capital markets. The two firms will offer advice on which markets will be most receptive to Korea when it decides to tap the capital markets, what type of securities will be most attractive to float, and what are the best times to approach the markets.
Goldmans role, say people familiar with the situation, will be similar to the part it played in helping Mexico access the capital markets after the peso crisis three years ago. Goldman last year managed Mexicos exchange of $1.75 billion of new 30-year bonds for about $2.3 billion of Brady bonds.
The Salomon team will be led by Jeffrey Shafer, a former Treasury Department official who helped oversee the bailout of Mexico three years ago. Mr. Shafer was approached by associates of a South Korean cabinet member and then met privately with that member before Salomon was engaged. The Goldman team will be led by Robert Hormats, vice chairman of Goldman, Sachs International, and Carlos Cordeiro, a managing director in Goldmans debt capital markets group who is based in Hong Kong. (In Washington, the Treasury Department said Secretary Robert Rubin, a former cochief executive of Goldman, had no role in Koreas choice of investment bankers.)
For Korea, the next key step is political: the naming of the next cabinet. Despite his long association with left-wing thinkers, Mr. Kim has in his camp several bold reformers like You Jong Keun, a provincial governor who is an outspoken proponent of open markets and a critic of Koreas powerful labor unions. It was Mr. You who helped persuade Mr. Kim to commit himself publicly to the IMF package.
A person close to the Kim team says Mr. Kim during the election tried to recruit Chae Byeongryul, a powerful ruling-party member with internationalist and reformist credentials. The person says Mr. Chae, who couldnt be reached for comment, declined out of loyalty to his party.
Despite the tinge of anti-Americanism running through South Korean society, U.S. analysts dont believe that Seouls financial crisis will turn into a security nightmare for Washington.
Though always unpredictable, North Korea isnt likely to see the Souths economic travails as an opportunity for provocation or to launch an attack. Almost no analyst in Washington expects the South Korean military, which retreated from politics to the barracks a decade ago, to seek power. And 10 years of prosperity and democracy have taken much of the bite out of the leftist protest groups that disrupted life in the 1970s and 1980s.
"I don't think things are going to get so bad there as to create risks for American soldiers," said Larry Niksch, a specialist in Asian affairs who follows Korean affairs at the Congressional Research Service.
Richard Walker, U.S. ambassador to Seoul from 1981 to 1986, agrees the financial crisis shouldnt have a destabilizing effect. He believes the South Korean economy is fundamentally sound, particularly with regard to the solid base built over the years by the creation of a modern infrastructure and an educated population.
A Pentagon spokesman said that as of yesterday the U.S. hasnt raised the alert status of U.S. troops in Korea.* xenophobia: 외국인 혐오증
* chaebol: 재벌
* coup: 쿠데타 (coup d'etat)Wall Street Journal, 1997. Dec. 12. and 1997. Dec. 22.
And, in Mr. Kim Daechung's journal, He summaried and translated it thus.
월 스트리트 저널은 김 당선자를 가리켜 관종(populist), 예측하기 어려운(unpredictable) 정치인이라고 표현하고 그의 경제정책을 근거 없는(unfounded) 것으로 보고 있다. 심지어 그의 측근들을 인기 위주의 국회의원과 좌파 성향의 학자로 규정하고 있다. 미국 월 스트리트의 교과서나 다름없는 이 신문의 이런 성격 규정은 그 사실 여부와 상관없이 김 당선자와 그의 정부 그리고 한국에게 대단히 불리하게 작용할 수밖에 없다.
How to propagate thy translation[편집]
- ● The LORD is My Shepherd1), and We are the Lambs.
- ◎ My Lord, but, do not roast us as Lamb.
- Psalms 23:1?(시편 23장 1절, New American Bible)
― Monty Python's Meaning of Life
Chosun-ilbo is the best bira to propagate thy translation. And 'tis the chirashi that Koreans read the most and distrust the most, thus Chosun-ilbo is the best bira to propagate thine.
First Example[편집]
Read this article written by Chosun-ilbo on 31 August, 1998.
DID HILLARY GIVE BILL A BLACK EYE?
Bill Clinton hit by Hillary. A tabloid newspaper of the U.S., "A Big Beautiful Black Eye."
According to a coverstory of the last issue of a tabloid weekly magazine 'Weekly World News', First-lady of the United States of America ― Hillary Clinton, assault Her Husband ― Bill Clinton, and he's given a black eye.
Tired of the endless Sex Scandal, Hillary suddenly burst into the White House Office at 3:15 pm on 3 August and hit Bill in the face with a cell phone, while he approves documents.
힐러리가 빌을 눈탱이 밤탱이로 만들었나?
힐러리에게 쳐맞은 빌 클린턴. 美紙, "크고 아름다운 눈탱이 밤탱이"
미국 퍼스트레이디 힐러리 클린턴이 남편 빌 클린턴을 폭행, 눈에 시퍼런 멍이 들게 했다고 타블로이드판 주간지 「위클리 월드 뉴스」가 최신호에서 커버스토리로 보도했다.
그칠 줄 모르는 섹스 스캔들에 지친 힐러리가 지난 3일 오후 3시 15분쯤 백악관 집무실에 갑자기 들이닥쳐 서류결재 중이던 빌의 얼굴을 핸드폰으로 때렸다.
So, Who're the Fucking 'Weekly World News'? Well, Here it is. And YES, They (Chosun-ilbo), who're proud of 'The greatest national opinion paper'(민족정론지), quote A Free Humor Magazine. How proud they're, aren't they, Huh? Be proud!
Second Example[편집]
And Read this article written by Washington Post on 17 August, 1999. And its two translated, summaried article by Yonhap News and Chosun-ilbo.
In S. Korea, Presidents Don't Just Fade Away*
A Former Rival Blasts* the Incumbent
South Korea has this problem with its presidents.
One of them was shot. One was exiled. Two were overthrown by coups, two others hauled off to prison.
"It's embarrassing," said a government official.
The only ex-president not on that list now seems determined to carve his own mark of dubious* distinction. At a time when politics-weary South Koreans yearn for a gracious departure of some of their aging leaders, Kim Youngsam just won't shut up and go away*.
Kim, who was president from 1993 to 1998, is determined to deflate the heroic international stature of his successor, President Kim Daejung. The former president accuses the current president of being a dictator, practicing oppression, media control and wiretapping.
"He has intentions to continue in political power forever," Kim Youngsam said. To prevent that, Kim said he wants to reenter the political arena to battle his old rival before next Aprils National Assembly elections.
His animosity to Kim Daejung is clear. The two men have been rivals for 40 years, sometimes cooperating in the ever-shifting calculus of Korean politics, sometimes competing, but rarely friendly.
But his stinging accusations against Kim Daejung, the man known as "the Nelson Mandela of South Korea" for his long struggle against dictatorial rule, makes a lot of South Koreans cringe*.
"People want Kim Youngsam to be quiet and write his memoirs," said Jay K. Yoo, a member of the National Assembly.
But even as they wince* at the blunt language, a surprising number of* Koreans say they agree with the gist of Kim Youngsam's charges.
Despite his reputation, and despite his steady handling of the South Korean economic crisis in his first 18 months in office, there is a sense of disappointment in Kim Daejung, according to politicians, analysts and citizens on the street.
His popularity within South Korea has dropped. His ruling coalition is fraying. And opponents such as Kim Young Sam sense a vulnerability that has caused them to hone their political knives.
"I believe President Kim has turned his back on his past," said Lee Hoechang, president of the opposition Hannara Party. Kim, he said, has fallen into "regionalism, cronyism and boss politics."
The immediate causes of Kims popularity decline, his supporters acknowledge, are the corruption scandals that started bedeviling the Kim administration last spring.
Kims economic adviser was dismissed when he could not explain why a burglar had found $100,000 in his home. The justice minister was fired for fomenting a strike after barely surviving an uproar over his wifes acceptance of a fur coat from a jailed tycoons spouse. The environment minister, actress Sohn Sook, was dismissed in June for taking a $20,000 cash payment from a Korean businessman. Last month, another Kim protege and his wife were charged with taking $400,000 in bribes from a banker.
Adding to the scandals is the sense that President Kim, 73, is wielding power with the same political ruthlessness of his predecessors. Critics say he has packed government positions with his home-region supporters, targeted opponents for investigation, leaned on the news media and favored certain business groups. And he appears ready to back out of a pledge to support a parliamentary system of government by the end of this year.
"He has set the moral standard higher," insisted Park Jungho, the presidents press secretary. "From the beginning, he said he will make a corruption-free society. But he can't do it right away." As to the other charges: "Kim Daejung was a defender of human rights and liberty. He was a symbol. So if theres any case of freedoms being violated, he would not tolerate it."
But the whiff of politics as usual has soured some South Koreans who had expected something different when they elected ― for the first time ― an opposition party led by a man who had put his life on the line for democracy.
"I am very disappointed in him," said Juang Hecho, a 38-year-old computer programmer. "This last time, I finally decided to vote for him because I really thought it would bring change. It hasnt."
That is where Kim Youngsam reenters the stage. A stout 71-year-old with a silky wave of gray hair, Kim Young Sam said he expected to be content to accept political retirement, enjoying the life of a grandfather in his elegant Seoul house lined with pictures of himsel with world leaders.
But Kim said the more he saw the "suppression" of democracy by his successor, the angrier he got. And when Kim Daejung boasts of reversing the economic and political ills he inherited, Kim Youngsam steams.
"He's blaming everything on me," complained Kim Youngsam. In that, though, President Kim is repeating conventional wisdom. When the economy collapsed with stunning swiftness in November 1997, Kim Youngsam was widely reported at the time to have been helpless and former aides concur.
Kim Daejung, who had been elected but had not taken office, stepped in in an extraordinary unofficial assumption of power, and began working with the International Monetary Fund to restore the economys health. Many, though not all, economic indicators and the South Korean stock market have rebounded.
But Kim Youngsam complained that "DJ," as the president is known, "is responsible for 50 percent of the failure of the economy" for positions he took while in the opposition. What angers him even more, he said, is the "retribution politics" he said the current administration is practicing.* do not just fade away: 물러나야 할 때에 물러서지 않는다
* blast: 씹다
* dubious: 불투명한 (투명하지 않은), 너무나도 의심스러운
* just shut up and go away: 입닥치고 꺼지다
* cringe: 맛이 가다, 학을 떼다
* wince: 깜짝 놀라 발길질하다
* a surprising number of: (자신의 예상과는 달리) 뜻밖의 수의?(많이 있을 것이라 예상했음에도 실제 수효가 기대에 미치지 못했을 때에도 이 구문을 사용한다.)Washington Post, 17 August 1999
"사라지지 않는 한국의 대통령들"
한국의 전직 대통령들이 퇴임 후 보여 주고있는 행보가 마침내 미국 언론의 도마에도 올랐다.
미국의 권위지 가운데 하나인 워싱턴 포스트는 17일 '사라지지 않는 한국의 대통령들'이라는 제목으로 장문의 서울발 기사를 국제면에 싣고 김영삼 전 대통령의 정치 재개에 대한 한국민들의 비판적인 시각을 소개했다.
포스트는 한국에서는 대통령들이 문제라며 전직 대통령 가운데 한 명은 암살됐고 한 명은 망명 길에 올랐으며, 두 명은 쿠데타로 쓰러졌고 다른 두 명은 교도소로 끌려갔다고 꼬집었다.
신문은 이러한 전철을 밟지 않은 유일한 케이스인 김 전 대통령이 연로한 지도자들의 우아한 은퇴를 바라는 한국민들의 갈망에는 아랑곳 없이 현직인 김대중 대통령을 몰아붙이고(← blast, "not bad, but too weak") 있다고 말했다.
신문은 두 사람이 지난 40년간 정치적 상황에 따라 때로는 서로 협력하고, 때로는 서로 다투는 라이벌로 지냈지만 우호적이었던 적은 거의 없다며 김 전 대통령은 김 대통령이 독재자로 변해 탄압하고 언론을 통제하며 도청을 자행하고 있다고 독설을 서슴지 않고 있으나 많은 국민이 이에 염증을 느끼고 있다(← cringe, "not bad, but not strong")고 전했다.
포스트는 그러나 상당수의(← a surprising number of, "Chosun-ilboly Translation") 국민이 김 전 대통령의 이러한 행태에 얼굴을 찡그리면서도(← wince, "not bad, but not strong) 그의 주장에 동의한다고 밝히고 있다고 지적했다.
포스트는 김 대통령이 자신의 명성과 집권 18개월만의 경제 회복이라는 업적에도 불구하고 잇따른 부패 스캔들과 편중 인사, 표적 사정 등으로 점수를 잃자 김 전 대통령을 비롯한 반대파가 틈을 놓치지 않고 정치의 칼을 갈고 나선 것이라고 덧붙였다.Yonhap News
What the worst translation it is. So I beg thee once more, Thou motest not translate English with the Old Grammar.
[WP지] "YS의 DJ 깎아내리기 한국인 상당수(← a surprising number of, "Chosun-ilboly Translation") 동의"
미국 워싱턴 포스트 지는 17일 김영삼 전 대통령이 조용한 은퇴 생활을 박차고 오랜 정적인 김대중 대통령을 맹공격 중이며, 현 정부의 잇단 부패 스캔들 등으로 인한 약점 때문에 김 대통령의 인기가 떨어지고, 놀랄 정도로 많은(← a surprising number of, "Chosun-ilboly Translation") 사람이 김 전 대통령의 주장에 동의하고 있다고 보도했다.
포스트는 서울발 한국에서 전직 대통령들은 사라지지 않는다 라는 기사에서 "YS는 DJ의 영웅적인 국제적 지위를 꺾어놓기로 결심했다"며 "YS는 김 대통령이 독재자이며, 언론 탄압과 도청 등 억압을 펼치고 있다고 주장하고 있다"고 소개했다.
포스트는 "한국의 넬슨 만델라로 알려진 김 대통령의 명성과 지난 18개월 동안 꾸준한 한국 경제위기 회복 노력 등에도 불구하고, 정치인들과 분석가들, 그리고 시민들이 김 대통령에 대한 실망감을 보였다"며, 놀라울 정도로 많은(← a surprising number of, "Chosun-ilboly Translation") 한국인들이 YS의 주장에 동의했다고 보도했다.
이 신문은 김 대통령의 인기가 하락, 취약점을 노출하면서 YS 같은 정적들은 칼을 갈 수 있는 계기를 제공했다며, 이같은 인기 하락의 직접적 이유는 한국 사상 최초의 야당 집권이라는 기대를 안고 출범한 현 정부에서도 부패 관련 스캔들이 계속됐기 때문이라고 전했다. 포스트는 유종근 전북지사 집 절도사건과 옷 파동, 파업유도 의혹, 손숙 전 환경부장관 촌지 수수 시비, 임창열 경기지사 사건 등을 소개했다.
신문은 또 한국의 전직 대통령 중 1명은 암살, 1명은 망명, 2명은 쿠데타로 실권, 2명은 감옥행 등의 불행한 과거를 겪어왔다고 보도했다.(← "Chosun-ilboly text arrangement"?(WP mentioned this sentence while introducing Kim Youngsam. However, Chosun-ilbo made the nuance different by arranging the order of the text. Therefore, this sentence seemeth to attack Kim Daejung.))
Conclusion[편집]
In short, If thou askest of Chosun-ilbo, They will post thine. That Easy! Because Chosun-ilbo is the best bira to propagate thy translation!
How to laugh when thou encountrest an English Joke[편집]
Lola:
WAKE UP SLEEPY BUTT!
Brutus:H-HEY!
Brutus:What is your major malfunction*??!!
Lola:Hey relax! It's just a prank!
Brutus:You hosed me with cold water. That's NOT a Prank.
Lola:Sure it is.
Brutus:Well, doing something ANNOYING then callin' it a prank don't magically make it FUNNY.
Lola:Weeell I thought it was pretty funny...
Brutus:There, you've been pranked. Pretty funny, huh?
Lola:HAHA yeah! You sure got me... Can you untie me now?
Brutus:Nah, I think I'll just leave you here.
Lola:WHAT??!
Brutus:Relax, it's just a prank.
Lola:Ok ok, you've made your point! HEY COME BACK!
- malfunction (Noun): mal-(bad, miss, not etc.) + function; Faulty functioning, Failure to function.
- What is your major malfunction??!!
- literal: 너의 주요 고장이 뭐야??!!
- paraphrase: 도시 넌 뭐가 문제여??!!
First Example[편집]
Alice:
What dost thou call a Deer with no Eyes?
Bob:No Idea.?(No eye deer)
Alice:Then, What dost thou call a Deer with no Eyes and no Legs?
Bob:Still no Idea.?(still: without motion, nevertheless, yet)― A very old Joke
Weeell, WTF are Those guys saying? How do ye translate it in Korean? I think you guys will translate it thus.
앨리스:
너는 눈 없는 사슴을 뭐라고 해?
밥:모르겠어.
앨리스:그럼, 너는 눈 없고 다리 없는 사슴을 뭐라고 해?
밥:아직도 모르겠어.― 오랜 농담
Not only is it Too Bad but Awful and Terrible! 'TIS a Language Game! (Not a term of Wittgenstein.) Then, thou hast also to use it for translation! Thus!
앨리스:
눈탱이 엄는 노루를 머라 그러게?
밥:몰?루
앨리스:그럼 눈탱이 업꼬 다리 빙신된 노루를 머라 그러게?
밥:몰?루 가만 있어봐― 졸라 늙어빠진 농담
Weeell, pretty better.
Second Example[편집]
Lolita, light of my life, fire of my loins. My sin, my soul. Lo-lee-ta: the tip of the tongue taking a trip of three steps down the palate to tap, at three, on the teeth. Lo. Lee. Ta. She was Lo, plain Lo, in the morning, standing four feet ten?(147.32센티미터) in one sock. She was Lola in slacks. She was Dolly at school. She was Dolores on the dotted line. But in my arms she was always Lolita.― Vladimir Nabokov, 《Lolita》
First, 'loin' literally meaneth waist. When referring to parts of beef or pork, it meaneth 채끝, 안심, 꽃등심. However, in this novel, the word 'loin' meaneth Penis. And YES, 'tis Euphemism*. Then, how do we translate it?
* euphemism: 완곡어법, 완곡어구; euphemize: 완곡하게 하다, 순화하다
First, Ye must notice every Korean word about euphemism of Penis. Like 용대가리, 고래, 소중이, 똘똘이, 버섯, 고추, 존슨, 물건, 소시지, 사타구니, 몸, 남성성, 바나나, 코끼리, 사자, 육봉, 귀두 etc. Which one is the best word for the mood and the context? Or, you can make a new word.
Hmmm, I have considered many words. Weeell, I'll use '말초신경계'. Although 'tisn't located in a spine, (I mean, loin.) it's responsible for erection (Parasympathetic nervous system*) and ejaculation* (Sympathetic nervous system*). Thou knowst, thou hast learned (or, wilt learn) this in 《생명과학I》.
* parasympathetic nervous system (PSNS): 부교감 신경계
* ejaculation: 사정(射精)
* sympathetic nervous system (SNS): 교감 신경계
롤리타, 내 삶의 빛, 내 말초신경계의 불이여. 나의 죄악, 나의 영혼이여. 롤-리-타: 혀 끝이 입천장을 따라 세 걸음을 걷다가 세 번째 걸음에 이 끝을 두드린다. 롤. 리. 타. 아침에 양말 한 짝만 신은 채로 선 4피트 10인치의 그는 로, 수수한 로였다. 느슨한 바지를 입은 그는 롤라였다. 학교에서 그는 돌리였다. 서류에서 그는 돌로레스였다. 그러나 나의 품 안에서는 언제나 롤리타였다.― 블라디미르 나보코프, 《롤리타》
Just right as Goldilocks said.